Crediamo di morire per la patria, ma moriamo per le Banche!
Ci sono eroi sconosciuti che hanno dato la vita, e sono ricordati nei cuore di poche persone. Poi ci sono eroi che sono ricordati solo per un mese, perche hanno combatuto guerre sbagliate con nemici sbagliati. Questi sono gli assassini dei nostri veri eroi. (Michele Altamura)
Egyptian medical officials said a homemade bomb has killed two soldiers and wounded two others in the northern part of the Sinai.
Rafah Hospital said in a statement that the incident happened early on Sunday morning and that one of the wounded, an officer, was in critical condition, the AP news agency reported.
Violence picked up in the area, near the border with Gaza, last week when four civilians were killed in fighting between the army and armed groups, and at least six soldiers killed in roadside bombings.
Egypt has been hit by a wave of suicide bombings and attacks that intensified after the military overthrew former president Mohamed Morsi in 2013.
A local Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant affiliate has claimed responsibility for most of the attacks.
The African Union (AU) has decided against sending peacekeepers to crisis-hit Burundi after the embattled government said that any such move would be considered an invasion.
Smail Chergui, AU commissioner for peace and security, told a press conference in the Ethiopian capital on Sunday that a proposed deployment of 5,000 troops would be deferred until permission was granted by Bujumbura.
The decision came after a closed-door session at the AU where African leaders are meeting for a two-day summit.
Al Jazeera's Catherine Soi, reporting from African Union headquarters in Addis Ababa, said the decision was not a surprise considering Burundi's opposition to the plan.
"It is going to be interesting to see how this delegation will be able to convince them to accept the troops," she said.
Chergui said an AU delegation would now fly to Burundi to hold talks aimed at ending the violence.
AU high level delegation to be sent to Burundi to discuss with gvt on dialogue and try to convince the president to say yes to MAPROBU.
Solomon Dersso, a political analyst, told Al Jazeera that while Burundi has demonstrated some flexibility on the issue of dialogue, there has been "complete disagreement between Bujumbura and the AU when it has come to the deployment of [AU] troops".
On Saturday, Ibrahima Fall, Special Representative for the Great Lakes Region, told French radio RFI, that deploying toops to the conflict-hit east African country without the consent of Bujumbura was "unimaginable".
"It has been, I think, bad communication. It was never the intention of the African Union to deploy a mission to Burundi without the consent of Burundian authorities," the Senegalese diplomat said.
The UN has warned Burundi risks a repeat of a 1993-2006 civil war, with hundreds killed since April 2015 when President Pierre Nkurunziza announced he would stand for a controversial third term in office.
At least 230,000 people have fled to neighbouring countries.
Since Nkurunziza's re-election in July, clashes between government loyalists and the opposition have turned increasingly violent.
The AU charter's Article 4 (h) gives it the right to intervene in a fellow nation state "in respect of grave circumstances, namely: war crimes, genocide and crimes against humanity."
But analysts say other African nations are wary of setting a precedent of deploying troops against the government's wishes.
UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon, speaking on Saturday as the AU summit opened, made clear troops were needed to stem the violence.
"Leaders who stand by while civilians are slaughtered in their name must be held responsible," Ban said, insisting that the Burundi crisis required the "most serious and urgent commitment."
He said the UN backed the AU's proposal "to deploy human rights observers and to establish a prevention and protection mission".
His first real job was as the Prime Minister of Montenegro. He has either been the President or Prime Minister for most of the nearly three decades of his career and the life of his country. While he casts himself as a progressive, pro-Western leader who recently helped his country join NATO and is on track to join the European Union, he has built one of the most dedicated kleptocracies and organized crime havens in the world.
For his work in creating an oppressive political atmosphere and an economy choked by corruption and money laundering, OCCRP honors Milo Djukanovic, Prime Minister of Montenegro, as OCCRP’s Person of the Year for his work in promoting crime, corruption and uncivil society.
“We really see this as a lifetime achievement award,” said OCCRP editor Drew Sullivan. “Nobody outside of (Russian President Vladimir) Putin has run a state that relies so heavily on corruption, organized crime and dirty politics. It is truly and thoroughly rotten to the core.”
Nominating Djukanovic this year was Vanja Calovic, Director of the Network for Affirmation of NGO Sector (MANS), a civil society organization based in Montenegro.
“This is a deserved award,” Calovic said. “Djukanovic, the last European dictator, has captured our country for his own private interests and turned it into safe haven for criminals. While he, his family and friends enriched themselves, ordinary people suffer from poverty, injustice and lawlessness, while those who dare to talk about the corruption become his targets.”
Each year, OCCRP reporters and partners nominate and vote for the Person of the Year. The Prime Minister came in first in a vote with more than 50 journalists in the network participating. Previous winners have been Russian President Vladimir Putin, Azerbaijan President Ilham Aliyev, and the Romanian Parliament.
Finishing a close second and third in the polling respectively were the wife and children of Azerbaijan President Ilham Aliyev and Macedonian Prime Minister Nikola Gruevski. The relatives of the Azerbaijani president own large chunks of the country’s economy and have worked to plunder the economy at the expense of the people. The Macedonian PM has wiretapped opposition parties and journalists, prosecuted political opponents and whitewashed murder investigations.
Djukanovic has a long history of befriending organized crime figures, involving himself in corrupt practices and bribing voters. He has been one of the world’s worst caretakers of government, often giving public money to cronies including organized criminals. His actions have left Montenegro with massive debts. Some of his career highlights include:
Djukanovic and his close associates engaged in extensive cigarette smuggling with the Italian Sacra Corona Unita and Camorra crime families. He was indicted in Bari and freely admitted the trade but said his country needed money. He invoked diplomatic immunity to get the charges dropped.
While he claims to have stopped the smuggling, OCCRP found an island off the coast financed by his family bank and owned by his good friend Stanko Subotic, a controversial businessman who was three times indicted but never convicted of cigarette smuggling related activities. The island was run by Djukanovic’s head of security and was being used to smuggle cigarettes with some of the same organized crime figures who were previously involved.
He has made Montenegro a safe haven for a slew of controversial and organized crime figures over the years, including Darko Saric, Stanko Subotic, Naser Kelmendi, Safet Kalic, Brano Micunovic and others.
When a state bank was privatized, it went to his family, and his government put huge amounts of the state’s money in it. Then they used it to launder money for organized crime and give big loans to organized crime, themselves and their friends. When the loans were not repaid, Djukanovic bailed out the family bank by forcing the Parliament to adopt a special law. There is no proof the bailout loans were ever repaid. To provide needed cash for the insolvent bank, he sold the state electrical company and required the proceeds go to the family bank. When the Central Bank objected to the illegal activity at the bank, Djukanovic fired the governor and replaced him with someone from the family bank, thus violating the longstanding independence of the Central Bank.
His government has almost never looked into any scandal reported by the media. His handpicked prosecutors are famous for investigating leaks to journalists but not crime figures or corrupt deals–unless to do so benefits Djukanovic.
He has sold large chunks of the Montenegrin coastline to very dodgy figures including controversial Russian businessmen, Azerbaijani companies controlled by that country’s First Family, and corrupt Middle Eastern interests.
In 2015, Djukanovic borrowed close to US$ 1 billion for construction of a 41-kilometer-long section of highway, pushing the public debt to more than 60 percent of the GDP and violating European debt standards.
Since 2006, Djukanovic has used state money to provide € 300 million in state guarantees for loans taken out by private companies. There was no interest required. More than half of those loans — €184 million– were never repaid, leaving Montenegrin citizens stuck with the debt. Most of it–€130 million—is owed by Oleg Deripaska, a Russian aluminum tycoon and one of the world’s richest men.
Djukanovic’s government offered citizenship to then-wanted regional drug kingpin Darko Saric. Citizenship would have been granted had Serbia allowed Saric to give up his Serbian citizenship.
State newspapers have been used to smear journalists and activists who point out the rampant corruption.
While he pays lip service to fighting corruption and occasionally makes an arrest, it is usually in his own interest, such as the recent indictment of a political adversary.
Montenegro and Djukanovic still offer a haven for organized crime and we suspect this will continue until Djukanovic leaves office for good. Djukanovic is, however, good at playing various political interests against each other and has so far avoided serious international sanctions.
OCCRP is an award-winning consortium of 22 commercial and non-profit investigative media and centers and hundreds of journalists spanning dozens of countries from Europe to Central Asia. Founded in 2006, its centers work together on cross-border investigative reporting projects around the world. OCCRP is one of the world’s largest investigative reporting organizations, producing more than 60 investigative reports by some 120 journalists each year. It is funded by the Open Society Foundations, the United States Agency for International Development, the Swiss government, the National Endowment for Democracy and other donors. It developed the Investigative Dashboard, a leading tool for online investigative reporting, with Google Ideas. This year, OCCRP was a winner or finalist in five international awards including the European Press Prize and the Global Shining Light Award. Each year, dozens of OCCRP journalists nominate and cast votes for the person of the year award.
MANS Investigation Center reveals how “Bemax” construction company from Podgorica „donated“ construction of local roads and other facilities in a number of Montenegrin municipalities just before the elections in 2012, after being granted around one million euro by the Ministry of Sustainable Development for the development of local infrastructure, in only few prior to the elections.
The pre-election campaign for the early parliamentary elections in 2012 lasted from 31 July, when the elections were called, to 14 October, when they were held. In August and September 2012, “Bemax” “donated” construction of several local roads and other facilities in Bijelo Polje, Kolašin and Podgorica, with a wholehearted approval from the local authorities, despite the fact that the act was in violation of the Public Procurement Law. Actually, local governments are obliged to implement Public Procurement Law, which means that no infrastructure facility can be constructed without an open call for tender.
Yet, “Bemax” constructed a crossing under the railway and two sidewalks through two suburban settlements, which was a total investment of around €200,000, as they stated. Five days before the elections, there was a ribbon-cutting ceremony to mark the end of the works, attended by Slavoljub Stijepović, then the Minister of Education, as well as Aleksandar Žurić, the mayor of Bijelo Polje and Veselin Grbović, Director of the Transport Directorate. They are all DPS officials.
In August 2012, the company also “donated” the reconstruction of a local road in Kolašin. It is remembered that the mayor Darko Brajušković (also a DPS member) declared that he was hoping that “Bemax” machines would “never leave” Kolašin. “Bemax” has also reconstructed a local road in Podgorica, in Farmaci. The reconstruction of that road was being announced several years in a row.
Having analyzed the financial statement of the Ministry of Sustainable Development and Tourism, as well as of Public Works Directorate, the MANS Investigation Center obtained the information that “Bemax” had been granted 14 payments for construction works during the pre-election campaign, 12 of which in August and one in September and October respectively. On the same basis, during the rest of the months of the election year 2012, “Bemax” was paid only €48,000, which has made way for suspicion that money had been pumped into “Bemax” in order to promote the ruling party and help it gain political advantage through creating infrastructure.
The money was granted from two loans taken out by the Ministry of Sustainable Development and Tourism, chaired at the time by Predrag Sekulić and currently by Branimir Gvozdenović, both being eminent figures of the ruling Democratic Party of Socialists (DPS). MANS Investigation Center data reveal that those loans, concluded with international lenders, were intended for local construction works as well as for emergency aid and flood prevention.
On the basis of the loans for local infrastructure construction works, “Bemax” was granted around €333,000 for modernization of local roads in Mojkovac, Pljevlja and Bukovica. At the same time, the company was granted €760,000 for bridge construction in Plav, Andrijevica and Berane from the loan intended for emergency aid and flood prevention.
What is particularly interesting is that the Public Works Directorate arranged some of these affairs with “Bemax” at the end of 2011 and they were completed at the beginning of 2012. It is evident, however, that the money was granted in the pre-election period, or immediately before holding the early parliamentary elections in October.
This text is created with the support of the European Union within the project “Zero Tolerance to Corruption”. Network for Affirmation of Non-Governmental Sector – MANS is solely responsible for the contents of this article, and the views taken herein shall not in any case be considered as those of the European Union.
Through BEMAX to the votes
MANS Investigation Center has already published that the Government has provided in the 2016 Budget a substantial sum of €13 million for local infrastructure projects, while millions of euros are at disposal of municipalities, in their treasuries. The parliamentary elections will be held in 2016.
The aforementioned investments mostly concern earthmoving, reconstruction or construction of roads in urban and suburban areas, as well as construction of local bridges and water supply systems.
Investments in local infrastructure present a significant mechanism for election briberies, as voters are offered infrastructure to improve the quality of living in exchange for their votes.
The ruling DPS intensely used this mechanism for political promotion all the previous years, while the authorities completely failed to react to the evident misuse of state resources for election purposes.
MANS warns that the scenario of Pljevlja is imminent this year in every municipality
In the year of parliamentary elections, 14 Montenegrin municipalities have projected the payment of the whole €4.8 million for one-time benefits, transfers for individuals and on the basis of the operating budget reserve. Those are the same three budget lines that the Democratic Party of Socialists (DPS) has significantly used over the past three years as a mechanism of bribery at elections and for gaining political advantage in the field.
Analysis carried out by MANS Investigation Center involved 14 municipalities with budget projection data available to the public. Those municipalities are Podgorica Capital City, Nikšić, Pljevlja, Bijelo Polje, Berane, Bar, Budva, Tivat, Kotor, Danilovgrad, Mojkovac, Plužine, Šavnik and Žabljak.
One-time benefits are paid to persons in need, while transfers to individuals in terms of elections may refer to the payments intended as an assistance for acquisition of school books and supplies, in-home care for elderly people, scholarships, disaster relief, apartments or development incentives. The operating budget reserve is projected for expenditures that cannot be planned in advance, but earlier data from MANS indicated that the line was significantly used for social transfers during election cycles.
When it comes to larger municipalities – Podgorica Capital City, Bijelo Polje, Nikšić and Pljevlja, which made their information available to the public, it is evident that significant funds have been allocated on the basis of those budget lines.
Podgorica Capital City, for instance, is projecting €270,000 for social assistance, around €700,000 for social transfers to individuals, while €280,000 have been projected for the operating budget reserve. The total sum is €1.2 million, which is how much the local self-government run by the DPS and its prominent official and Mayor Slavoljub Stijepović will have at their disposal in the year the parliamentary elections will be held.
The municipality of Bijelo Polje has allocated €800,000 on the basis of the three budget lines, €70,000 of which is for social assistance, around €570,000 for transfers to individuals and another €150,000 for operating budget reserve. The head of the Municipality of Bijelo Polje is another DPS official – Aleksandar Žurić.
Another Montenegrin municipality has projected a substantial sum on the same basis. The Municipality of Nikšić, headed by Veselin Grbović, a DPS official, has around €770,000 at disposal, €92,000 of which is for one-off social assistance, €80,000 will be paid as social transfers to individuals, while it is evident that the whole €600,000 has been projected for the operating budget reserve.
Regarding Pljevlja, which is one of the larger Montenegrin municipalities, also run by the DPS (the chair is a member of the party, Mirko Đačić), official data indicate that the local self-government has allocated nearly €130,000 for social assistance, over €60,000 for transfers to individuals, while €150,000 goes for the operating budget reserve. It is the total sum of €340,000.
Speaking of coastal municipalities, Budva has allocated around €360,000 for the three budget items, Bar has allocated €290,000, Kotor €180,000 and Tivat €130,000. At the same time, Berane has €220,000, Danilovgrad €170,000, Plužine €150,000, Šavnik 100,000, Mojkovac €50,000 and Žabljak €27,000.
Up to now, there has been a complete lack of control over money spending in pre-election periods by local governments. Also, authorities never raised the question of responsibility of municipality officials with regard to the misuse of resources in order to have the influence over political will of the citizens, which was documented by MANS Investigation Center a number of times.
This text has been made with the support of the European Union within the project „Zero Tolerance to Corruption“. Network for Affirmation of Non-Governmental Sector – MANS is solely responsible for the contents of this article, and the views taken herein shall not in any case be considered as those of the European Union.
There is a well-devised scheme
There are two types of payment of social assistance to persons in need. One type comes from the Government, which provides funds to the Ministry of Labor and Social Welfare through the state budget. The Ministry directs the funds to social welfare centers, which make direct payments.
MANS Investigation Center discovered that the DPS’s Government, namely the Ministry of Labor and Social Welfare, had redirected many times larger funds to social welfare centers which made social assistance payments, right before the parliamentary elections in 2012, as well as before presidential elections held in April 2013.
The most representative example of misuse of social assistance for election purposes is a well-known “Pljevlja case”, which was discovered by MANS and which revealed that the cost of a single vote in Pljevlja, right before the parliamentary elections in 2012, was 50 euro.
The other type of social assistance payment is made by local governments. Their budgets also provide social assistance for persons in need. The money is usually paid through secretariats for social care or through resolutions made by municipality chairs, who give approval of social assistance.
Votes were paid as low as 50 euro
During previous early parliamentary, local and presidential elections, MANS also analyzed social assistance payments for which there was a reasonable doubt that they were the cases of vote buying in the field.
The information we got pointed to the fact that votes had been being bought in almost all Montenegrin municipalities through the use of social assistance. Thus, a single vote was the most expensive in Plav, with the average price of 170 euro. In Nikšić, Rožaje and Andrijevica the cost was 100 euro, while in Budva, Tivat, Kotor, Herceg Novi, Pljevlja and Žabljak it was 50 euro. A bit higher price was in Bijelo Polje – 75 euro average.
Ministry of Agriculture is again ready for the field work, MANS warns
In the election year 2016, the Ministry of Agriculture and Rural Development will have their hands on four million euro acquired through loans in order to carry out projects which have mostly turned out to be funded only to provide political advantage of the Democratic Party of Socialists (DPS) in the field.
One of these two loans, three million euro worth, the Ministry of Agriculture, chaired by Predrag Ivanović, concluded with the World Bank. It was granted for the Institutional Development and Agricultural Strengthening Project, also known as MIDAS. The other, two million euro loan, was concluded with the UN International Fund for Agricultural Development and it was dedicated to strengthening rural infrastructure.
The MIDAS has been carried out since 2009 and most of the Program is dedicated to farmers, who are given non-repayable funds of up to 50% or 60% of their planned investment. After four calls, the MIDAS should have ended by the middle of 2014. However, the government prolonged it owing to the funds provided from the Investment and Development Fund (IRF).
The Program was sustained in the year of local elections in the most of Montenegrin municipalities. Earlier information gathered by MANS Investigation Center showed that through the MIDAS IRF had given nearly €800,000 for 35 agricultural loans in six electoral municipalities, right before the May elections were called. Half of the money was allocated to farmers in Podgorica Capital City.
In the same period, IRF supported only eight farmers from other, non-electoral municipalities with €185,000. It is quite obvious that the payments were more intense in the towns where the elections were going to be held. Moreover, the government used the MIDAS program more intensively before the early parliamentary elections in 2012, when they expeditiously invited farmers to apply for agricultural grants only some ten days before the elections.
With regards to the infrastructural development in rural areas, which is carried out by the Ministry of Agriculture, MANS Investigation Center has stressed many times that it is one of the most exploited mechanisms the DPS is using for political promotion in the field and the influence over voters. This is more apparent in the North, which is a rather underdeveloped part of the country.
MANS has earlier stated that the Ministry of Agriculture, through the state budget, projects €550,000, which is €60,000 more than the last year, for local infrastructure projects through the “Water Management” program. This sum will mostly be deployed for the construction of rural water supply systems.
Also, the Ministry of Agriculture has allocated €820,000, €20,000 more than in 2015, for the program “Rural Development”, and those funds are generally used for procurement of rainwater collectors, waterworks materials and earthworks during the road construction.
Previous election cycles show that construction projects for rural areas, which are carried out by the Ministry of Agriculture, are usually followed by intensive media campaigns, especially by those media which are known to be very close to the government. In the same time, ministers from the relevant departments are also conducting vigorous campaigns in the field.
Finally, knowing that the Ministry of Agriculture is managing multimillion funds, to be used as farmers’ premiums and as the support to agricultural production through the Agro budget, it is apparent that there is a vast space for bribery before the parliamentary elections, which are to be held this year.
This text has been made with the support of the European Union within the project „Zero Tolerance to Corruption“. Network for Affirmation of Non-Governmental Sector – MANS is solely responsible for the contents of this article, and the views taken herein shall not in any case be considered as those of the European Union.
Information on money from Abu Dhabi Fund still being hidden
According to the recent statements made by the heads of the Ministry of Agriculture, out of $50 million agreed with the Abu Dhabi Fund for development of agriculture, $15 million has already been withdrawn as the first tranche.
The loans from the fund will go to „Mesopromet“, „Goranović”, “Milkraft” and “Vektra Jakić”, whose owners are being associated in public with the ruling party. In practice, those loans can mean opening new jobs and possibility to employ persons close to the DPS.
The Ministry of Agriculture is hiding all the documents referent to the loan signed with the Abu Dhabi Fund, for which the government gave the guaranty.
Premiums will also be paid before the elections
MANS Investigations Center has announced that the Ministry of Agriculture and Rural Development paid around €2.2 million to farmers on the basis of subsidies for agricultural production in the critical month before the presidential elections in 2013. In the few months to follow, the Ministry of Agriculture paid eight times less, or €270,000.
Those are the premiums paid for agriculture and animal husbandry (not including milk premiums), which are paid from February until the end of June every year, proportionally to the livestock numbers and the surface of cultivated land in the previous year.
New programs designed by the Ministry before elections
Just prior to the local elections in May 2014, the Ministry of Agriculture and Rural Development designed new programs to support farmers growing vegetables and olives with €300,000, in spite of the fact that similar programs had already been existing within the Agro budget.
Having in mind the fact that vegetables are mostly grown in Zeta and olives in Bar, and that farmers from those areas protested that the state had not provided them with appropriate working conditions, it is evident that the government had the intention to assist them with additional programs in the year of election.
2015 UOMO DELL’ANNO IN CRIMINALITÀ ORGANIZZATA: Milo Djukanovic OCCRP annuncia il premio 2015 “persona dell’anno” in criminalità organizzata e corruzione, per riconoscere coloro che meglio promuovono la “società incivile“.
Il suo primo vero lavoro è stato quello di primo ministro del Montenegro. E’ quindi stato presidente o primo ministro per la maggior parte dei quasi tre decenni della sua carriera e della vita del suo paese. Mentre si presenta come un leader progressista e filo-occidentale che ha recentemente aiutato il suo paese ad aderire alla NATO ed è sulla buona strada per aderire all’Unione europea, egli ha costruito una delle più dedicate cleptocrazie e paradisi della criminalità organizzata nel mondo.
Per il suo lavoro nel creare un’atmosfera politica oppressiva e un’economia soffocata dalla corruzione e dal riciclaggio di denaro, OCCRP onora Milo Djukanovic, primo ministro del Montenegro, come persona dell’anno OCCRP per il suo lavoro nella promozione della criminalità, la corruzione e la società incivile.
“Vediamo davvero questo come un premio alla carriera“, ha dichiarato il direttore di OCCRPDrew Sullivan. “Nessuno al di fuori di Putin ha costruito uno stato che si basa così pesantemente sulla corruzione, la criminalità organizzata e la politica sporca. E’ [uno stato] veramente e completamente marcio fino al midollo.”
A nominare Djukanovic quest’anno è stata Vanja Calovic, direttore della Rete di affermazione del settore delle ONG (MANS), un’organizzazione della società civile con sede a Montenegro. “Questo è un premio meritato”, ha detto Calovic. “Djukanovic, l’ultimo dittatore europeo, ha catturato il nostro paese per i propri interessi privati e lo ha trasformato in rifugio sicuro per i criminali. Mentre lui, la sua famiglia e gli amici si arricchiscono, la gente comune soffre dalla povertà, l’ingiustizia e l’illegalità, mentre coloro che osano parlare di corruzione diventano i suoi obiettivi “.
Ogni anno, i giornalisti e partner OCCRP nominano e votano per la Persona dell’Anno. Il Primo Ministro montenegrino è arrivato primo in un voto in cui hanno partecipato più di 50 giornalisti della rete. I precedenti vincitori sono stati il presidente russo Vladimir Putin,Presidente dell’Azerbaigian Ilham Aliyev, e il Parlamento rumeno.
Al secondo e terzo posto nella votazione erano finiti rispettivamente la moglie e i figli del Presidente dell’Azerbaigian Ilham Aliyev e il Primo Ministro macedone Nikola Gruevski. I parenti del presidente azero possiedono grossi pezzi dell’economia del paese e hanno lavorato duramente per saccheggiare l’economia a spese del popolo. Il macedone PM ha intercettato partiti di opposizione e giornalisti, perseguito gli oppositori politici e insabbiato varie indagini per omicidio.
Djukanovic ha una lunga storia di amicizia con personaggi della criminalità organizzata, essendo personalmente coinvolto in pratiche di corruzione e voto di scambio. E’ stato uno dei peggiori custodi della cosa pubblica al mondo, spesso dando denaro pubblico ai propri sodali, tra cui varie organizzazioni criminali. Le sue azioni hanno lasciato Montenegro con enormi debiti. Alcuni dei punti salienti della sua carriera:
Djukanovic e i suoi stretti collaboratori sono stati impegnati in una vasta rete di contrabbando di sigarette con la Sacra Corona Unita e la Camorra italiane. Djukanovic è stato incriminato a Bari e ha liberamente ammesso il commercio, [giustificandosi con il fatto] che il suo paese aveva bisogno di soldi. Ha quindi invocato l’immunità diplomatica per ottenere cadere le accuse.
Mentre sostiene di aver fermato il contrabbando, OCCRP ha trovato un’isola al largo della costa finanziata dalla sua banca di famiglia e di proprietà di suo buon amico Stanko Subotic, un controverso uomo d’affari tre volte incriminato ma mai condannato per attività connesse al contrabbando di sigarette. L’isola era gestita dal capo della sicurezza di Djukanovic ed è stata utilizzata per il contrabbando di sigarette con alcune delle stesse figure del crimine organizzato che sono state precedentemente coinvolte.
Ha fatto del Montenegro un porto sicuro per una sfilza di membri del crimine organizzato e figure controverse nel corso degli anni, tra cui Darko Saric, Stanko Subotic, Naser Kelmendi, Safet Kalic, Brano Micunovic e altri.
La sua famiglia si è assicurata la proprietà di una banca statale quando questa è stata privatizzata, e il suo governo ha via ha investito enormi quantità di denaro pubblico. Quindi essa è stata usata per riciclare il denaro per la criminalità organizzata e dare grossi prestiti alla criminalità organizzata, se stessi e i loro amici. Quando i prestiti non sono stati rimborsati, Djukanovic ha salvato la banca di famiglia, costringendo il Parlamento ad adottare una legge speciale. Non risulta che i prestiti di salvataggio siano stati mai rimborsati. Per fornire liquidità necessaria per la banca insolvente, Djukanovic ha venduto la società elettrica statale e stabilito che i proventi andassero alla banca di famiglia. Quando la Banca centrale ha contestato l’attività illegale della banca, Djukanovic licenziato il governatore e lo ha sostituito con qualcuno della banca di famiglia, violando così l’indipendenza di lunga data della Banca centrale montenegrina.
Il suo governo non ha quasi mai indagato in nessuno scandalo riportato dai media. I suoi ben selezionati procuratori sono famosi per investigare le fughe di notizie ai giornalisti, ma non la corruzione o il crimine organizzato – a meno che ciò vada a beneficio di Djukanovic.
Ha venduto grossi pezzi di costa montenegrina a cifre molto dubbie a controversi uomini d’affari russi, società azere controllate dalla famiglia presidenziale di quel paese, e corrotti interessi del Medio Oriente.
Nel 2015 Djukanovic ha preso in prestito quasi 1 miliardo di dollari per la costruzione di 41 chilometri di autostrada, spingendo il debito pubblico di oltre il 60 per cento del PIL e violando le linee guida europee sul debito.
Dal 2006 Djukanovic ha usato i soldi dello stato per fornire 300 milioni di € in garanzie statali per i prestiti contratti da imprese private, senza richiedere alcun interesse. Più della metà di questi prestiti – 184 milioni di euro – non sono mai stati rimborsati, lasciando i cittadini montenegrini con il debito. La maggior parte di questi – 130 milioni di euro – sono dovuti da Oleg Deripaska, un magnate dell’alluminio russo e uno degli uomini più ricchi del mondo.
Il governo di Djukanovic ha offerto la cittadinanza all’allora ricercato boss della droga regionale Darko Saric. La cittadinanza sarebbe stato concesso se la Serbia avesse permesso a Saric di rinunciare alla sua cittadinanza serba.
I giornali pubblici sono stati utilizzati per campagne di delegittimazione contro giornalisti e attivisti che sottolineano la corruzione dilagante.
Mentre Djukanovic si spende a parole per la lotta contro la corruzione e ogni tanto fa un arresto, di solito ciò è nel suo interesse, come la recente incriminazione di un avversario politico.
Il Montenegro e Djukanovic offrono ancora un rifugio per la criminalità organizzata e abbiamo il sospetto che ciò continuerà fino a quando Djukanovic lascerà l’incarico per sempre. Egli è tuttavia molto bravo a giocare vari interessi politici uno contro l’altro e finora ha evitato gravi sanzioni internazionali.